By Assyrian International News AgencyBabak Dehghanpisheh and Michael Georgy
Behnam Abboush won't feel any safer if Iraqi forces drive Islamic
State out of their stronghold of Mosul. That's why he and 300 other
Assyrian Christians in the paramilitary force under his command are
taking matters into their own hands.
Abboush says some members of
his community, one of Iraq's many religious and ethnic minorities, were
abandoned to their fate when the jihadists swept through northern Iraq
two years ago.
Now his fighters are determined to protect
Christian towns and villages in the Mosul region without relying on
anyone else, while Iraqi government troops and other forces launch their
offensive to regain the city nearby.
Ancient minorities have
always been an integral part of Iraq's complex social fabric. Their
attitudes towards the government in Baghdad and their re-assimilation
into society after the upheaval caused by Islamic State will test Iraqi
leaders' pledges to deliver stability after the Mosul campaign.
The
Shi'ite-led government has promised that the assault, which started in
the early hours of Monday, will improve security and unite a nation that
has been in turmoil since the U.S.-led invasion in 2003.
But
Abboush's experiences illustrate why so many of the minorities - which
range from the Christians and Yazidis to Turkmens and the Shabak people -
have so little faith in the regional and central governments.
He
recalls the night of Aug. 6, 2014, about two months after the fall of
Mosul, when he said Kurdish forces stationed in the Christian town of
Karakosh suddenly announced they were fleeing.
Many of the
Karakosh's 55,000 people managed to escape before the militants arrived a
few hours later, but Abboush said the abrupt departure of the peshmerga
troops controlled by the Kurdish regional government showed how
communities have to defend themselves.
"They said to us 'we will
protect you'. At half past ten in the evening they said 'we will go'. It
was very difficult, especially for the women and children," Abboush, an
engineer and former air defence officer under Saddam Hussein, said at
his training base in the town of Alqosh, 50 km (30 miles) from Mosul.
He
is now the general of an Assyrian force that he says received only half
the amount of weapons it needs from authorities and relies heavily on
donations from Iraqi Christians living abroad.
"If there was a
strong central government we would need nothing. If you want to solve
the problem, we must have a protection force," Abboush, an intense,
white-haired man, said shortly before joining his officers for a lunch
of eggplant, stew and rice.
Abboush prepares his men at an
obstacle course on a tiny mountain training ground, only about 13 km
from Islamic State fighters. Their mission is to reassure local people
it is safe to return to their homes in areas cleared of the militants.
SUPPORT FOR ALL IRAQIS
Others
say the drive for Mosul will benefit Iraqis of all communities. "The
whole idea of this offensive is to get people back to their homes
safely, not to abandon them -- Christians, Shi'ites and Sunnis,
everyone," said Hoshiyar Zebari, a top Kurdish official.
Khisro
Goran, a Kurdish member of Iraq's parliament, said lightly-armed
peshmerga forces withdrew from Karakosh in 2014 because they were
unprepared for the Islamic State onslaught. However, he sympathised with
Abboush's views.
"I agree that minorities from Yazidis,
Christians or Shabak should have their own local police to protect their
societies and this is the ideal way to resolve a trust issue," he said.
In
Baghdad, a military spokesman rebuffed Abboush's complaints over a lack
of support from the central government, saying the budget cannot be
changed continuously to accommodate the rising or dwindling numbers of
each force lined up to fight Islamic State - known by its opponents in
Arabic as Daesh.
"The government is keen on providing support to all those who are fighting Daesh", he said.
Iraq's
Sunni Muslims, the biggest minority, dominated the country until the
fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003. Now Shi'ites are in control, with
politicians from the majority community running the government, its
militias ruling many streets.
LONGING TO BE ACCEPTED
Abboush's
sentiments are echoed at a church in central Erbil, capital of the
Kurdish region which has become increasingly autonomous since Saddam's
demise.
At evening mass, Father Salim Saka told his packed
congregation to work with all communities in Iraq. In private, he
conceded those wishes may be unrealistic.
"For two years the
government has been saying they will liberate Mosul. It's just talk.
There can be no harmony. We are not accepted," he said. "We feel left
out."
Outside the church, beside the candle box, Evaan Khalas, 24,
was also sceptical. As a Christian, he fought alongside the peshmerga
for five years against Al Qaeda, but is no longer among the Kurdish
ranks.
"Now they don't accept me. I wanted to fight with them against Daesh," he said. "As long as there is Islam we can't live here."
Some
of the worshipers are Christians who fled to Erbil from villages, towns
and cities under Islamic State. One such, Sobhi Abu Fadel, recalled his
family's close escape from Mosul when only about 800 militants seized
the city as the army collapsed.
Standing beside a statue of the
Virgin Mary as church guards checked bags for explosives, he pulled up a
photograph of his mother on his smart phone. She died aged 90 because
of the heat in the car as they fled Islamic State, which tells
Christians to convert or die.
"We had neigbourhood watches but not enough ammunition," he said.
Hundreds
of thousands of Christians have fled Mosul and other cities in recent
years in the face of intimidation, death threats and violence.
The
Yazidis have suffered particular cruelty at the hands of Islamic State,
which regards them as devil worshipers. Hundreds of Yazidis were killed
by the jihadists in 2014 while thousands fled to camps in the Kurdish
region. Many women who could not escape were raped or turned into sex
slaves.
These ordeals have led some Yazidis to the conclusion that they too can depend only on themselves.
For
example, one Yazidi militia - the YBS or Sinjar Resistance Units - is
also only partially backed by the state even though it is part of the
government-funded Popular Mobilisation Forces, according to its
commander Saeed Hassan.
The fighters are 2,700 strong, yet only 1,000 are getting salaries from Baghdad, he said.
"An
overwhelming majority of the Yazidis want a self-rule administration
under international protection. We have no trust in the provincial
administration," said Haji Hassan, a civilian member of the YBS
administration. "They have been treating us badly even since before
Daesh took over."
At a ramshackle camp near a five-star hotel in
central Erbil frequented by Western executives, other Yazidis said they
rely on the generosity of local tribes for supplies such as rice and
sugar.
Tables under a tent serve as a classroom for children twice
a week. Young boys use dirty rags from a plastic water bucket to wipe
the floor. Posters of sports like archery and horse racing remind them
of the limitations of life in their barren camp.
Ali Khalaf, a
camp resident who has occasional work as a labourer, contemplated the
future. "Yazidis are alone. Even if Islamic State is driven out of
Mosul, we want an international force to protect us from genocide," he
said.
Additional reporting by Maher Chmaytelli and Ahmed Rasheed in Baghdad; editing by David Stamp.